This paper intends to draw a cognitive portrait of openness to reconciliation. It establishes the importance of cognitive functioning in the aftermath of political violence: A better understanding of the influence of information processing on openness to reconciliation may help improve reconciliation policies and contribute to reducing risks of conflict reoccurrence. Our results show that higher cognitive capacity is not associated with greater openness to reconciliation.
This book gathers previously unpublished testimonies from individuals who lived through the genocide against the Tutsi in 1994. Their stories do not simply paint a picture of lives left destroyed and damaged; they also demonstrate healing relationships, personal growth, forgiveness and reconciliation. Through the lens of positive psychology, the book presents a range of perspectives on what happened in Rwanda in 1994 and shows how people have been changed by their experience of genocide.
President Kagame speaks at a Commemoration service of the Genocide against the Tutsi at the Saddleback Church in California, U.S on Palm Sunday. Looking on is his host, Pastor Rick Warren. The President has pointed to reintegrating society and uniting the population after the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi as one of Rwanda’s most important step towards progress.
John Giraneza, a resident of Rweru Sector in Bugesera District harboured the grudge for years, before transforming into a champion of unity and reconciliation in his village. In 2008, Giraneza proposed to marry a woman whose family killed his father, mother and siblings-Marie Jeanne Uwimana.
President Paul Kagame while officiating the start of a mourning week to mark the 25th time the 1994 genocide against the Tutsi made a statement: “We claim no special place, but we have a place to claim. The fighting spirit is alive in us. What happened here will never happen again.”
Education is seen to play a crucial role in the reconstruction of post-conflict countries, particularly in transforming people’s mindsets and rebuilding social relations. In this regard, teachers are often perceived as key agents to bring about this transformative change through their role as agents of peace. This paper seeks to understand how teachers are positioned to promote peacebuilding and social cohesion in Rwandan schools in the aftermath of the 1994 genocide against the Tutsi.
This policy brief draws on experiences from a social cohesion project implemented by International Alert and Rwanda’s National Unity and Reconciliation Commission (NURC). This project is aimed at promoting social cohesion and peace among Rwandans through resilience and dialogue. Using examples from the project, this policy brief suggests some integrated approaches to address some of the issues with Rwanda’s National Policy on Unity and Reconciliation.
In this book, the author examines how Rwandans navigated the combination of harmony and punishment in grassroots courts purportedly designed to rebuild the social fabric in the wake of the 1994 genocide. Post-genocide Rwandan officials developed new local courts supposedly modelled on traditional practices of dispute resolution as part of a broader national policy of unity and reconciliation.
The author looks at how Rwanda has worked to prosecute the perpetrators of genocide, remember its victims, and move forward which is an enormous undertaking. It set up the Gacaca courts, which reviewed nearly 2 million trials in under a decade, and as thus, Rwanda provides a case study in local legal adaptation toward accountability.
The aim of this paper is to provide a succinct summary of the various meanings social cohesion can take within the academic debate. The paper also provides a brief summary of the term’s conceptual linkages to education policy, which is relevant for Aegis’ work. The author argues that social cohesion within Rwanda today is conceptualised to narrowly in terms of reconciliation. The paper calls for a broader vision, acknowledging and encompassing socio-economic and educational inequalities as important sources of societal conflict.
This paper analyses and highlights the factors and root causes of the genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda. Further, it details the steps taken by the external and internal players to avoid future conflict and the work they are doing in creating a platform for peacebuilding and reconciliation in Rwanda. The author also discusses the role of the government and its institutions in post genocide Rwanda. The strengths and weaknesses of the new constitution of Rwanda after the genocide, and the current challenges confronting Rwanda are included in this paper.
Film in Rwanda has played a role in moving the country past the genocide that decimated the population and destroyed the existing infrastructure and severed the social ties between all Rwandans. This essay identifies the emerging structure for the Rwandan filmmaking industry, while also measuring how influential cinema has been and can continue to be in the reconciliation process. Finally, it outlines recommendations for filmmakers who aim to contribute to the country’s reconciliation and unity process.
This study on the role of women in reconciliation and peace building in Rwanda will contributes to critical analysis in understanding the unique potential Rwandan women have and the challenges they face in their endeavours to contribute to national reconciliation and peace building and enable the National Unity and Reconciliation Commission to mainstream gender in its policies, programmes and future activities.
This book is aimed at national bodies seeking to employ traditional justice mechanisms, and at external agencies supporting such processes. It is based on the findings of a comparative study examining the role played by traditional justice mechanisms in dealing with the legacy of violent conflict in Africa. It focuses on five countries—Burundi, Mozambique, Rwanda, Sierra Leone and Uganda—that are used as the basis for outlining conclusions and options for future policy development in the related areas of post-conflict reconstruction, democracy building and development.
This paper looks at the prospects for peace and justice in the aftermath of the gross abuses of human rights that occurred and, to that end, it considers the potential uses and limits of restorative justice initiatives in the process of healing and reconciliation in Rwanda. It argues that restorative justice initiatives have moved the country closer toward reconciliation than retributive measures, such as the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda.
This essay explores the nature and role of the political reconciliation in reckoning with widespread regime atrocities. The role of truth is then examined in healing deeply divided societies. Because truth telling is regarded as conducive to the restoration of relationships, transitional justice scholars have claimed that the disclosure and public acknowledgment of regime offenses contributes to political reconciliation. Since reconciliation is not an inevitable byproduct of truth telling, the prudential quest to balance truth with peace and national unity is explored.
This is a timely empirical study and review of the Gacaca Courts. Based on the author’s original field work which began in 2003 in Rwanda and which has been updated to the end of 2009, it includes responses from within the Rwandan population. Dr. Clark argues that, despite widespread international scepticism, the Gacaca process has achieved remarkable results in terms of justice and reconciliation, although this has often come at a price, especially the re-traumatisation of many Rwandans who have participated firsthand in hearings.
The authors analyse the political, legal and regional impact of events in post-genocide Rwanda within the broader themes of transitional justice and reconciliation. The book also contains an unprecedented debate between Rwandan President Paul Kagame and René Lemarchand on post-genocide memory and governance in Rwanda, and incorporates chapters from Rwandan academics and practitioners, such as Tom Ndahiro, Solomon Nsabiyera Gasana, and Jean Baptiste Kayigamba – all of whom are also survivors of the 1994 genocide – and draws on their personal experiences.
Rwanda has been a unique experiment in national reconciliation and assiduously enforced social re-engineering in more than two decades since its devastating genocide against the Tutsi. Pastor Deo Gashangaza who helped found Prison Fellowship Rwanda noted that “Rebuilding the nation requires everyone to help… We still have a lot of things to do for our communities, for social cohesion. It’s painful but it is a journey of healing.”
Clerics and government officials have urged former genocide convicts to act as role models, shun evil, and spearhead goodwill toward survivors. The call was made during a public ceremony at which 52 genocide perpetrators were forgiven and reconciled with survivors at Nyamata Parish in Bugesera District. This followed a course for heart healing, asking for forgiveness and giving forgiveness which was started in July 2016.
Forty four days after the meeting between The Pope and President Kagame, 235 priests and nuns gathered at Kabgayi Diocese in Muhanga district for a two-day session of “Ndi Umunyarwanda Program”. During this interactive session, participants are reminded that they are Rwandans and should accept to put forward what binds them and should be proud to be Rwandans characterized with love to their country and upholding its values.
Rwandans who participated in the 1994 genocide against Tutsi are coming face to face with survivors to openly ask for forgiveness in a country where reconciliation is now preached by the state and religions. At Nyamata Parish in Bugesera District, eastern Rwanda, Pierre Butoki, a former genocide perpetrator in the area knelt down holding a candle, was sprinkled with spiritual water and listened to hymns and praise by clerics and other Christians. The man is a former police and was a member of Interahamwe militia responsible for mass slaughters during the genocide.
In 1994, post-genocide, the country was drowning in the aftermath of an immense, unfathomable tragedy. Rwanda yearned to heal – but how does a country begin to repair itself after a brutal massacre, when people were robbed of something essential: trust? Rwanda’s fast-growing cricket movement began when refugees started returning home from surrounding countries with a new skill – one that involved a bat, a ball and a whole lot of team spirit.
President Paul Kagame has been awarded with the Dr. Miriam and Sheldon G. Adelson award for Outstanding Friendship with the Jewish People from the World Values Network. “Hatred can never be justified, irrespective of whatever grievance one may hold. It may not be easy but it is our responsibility to keep this corrosive emotion in check and out of public affairs. More generally we must always endeavour to be different from those who adhere to ideologies of hatred,” the President said.
Unity Club is an organisation that brings together former and serving national leaders and the meeting aimed at encouraging those that served in the district to form a similar organisation. Addressing the officials, the Minister of Infrastructure, James Musoni said, “Unity is key. We all want to pass on a safe country to our children; the country where they’ll live with confidence and there is no way we can achieve that if we’re divided.”
Rwandans have embarked on the journey towards promoting peace, unity and reconciliation for sustainable development, guided by the government through policies and strategies providing a roadmap and monitoring tools well designed to evaluate the achievements and propose new solutions for mitigating the effects of new challenges.
The most popular tools used to promote unity and reconciliation among Rwandans include; civic education, community-based initiatives and national summits.
There are 40 housing units inside Kabarondo Reconciliation Village, built by Prison Fellowship Rwanda (PFR), an international charity group, for families of survivors of the 1994 genocide, released ex-prisoners convicted of crimes committed in 100-day carnage, and vulnerable citizens not directly related to the mass killings that resulted in the death of more than 1 million Tutsis and moderate Hutus
Local government and private sector leaders need to work together with citizens in fostering unity and reconciliation in the country, the Prime Minister, Anastase Murekezi has said. Speaking at the launch of ‘Unity and Reconciliation Forum’ in Nyaruguru District, the premier said unity and reconciliation are vital elements for sustainable development.
Rwanda is going through a process of reconciliation and healing. The leadership of Rwanda is asking ordinary Rwandans to live together, work together and eat together even when one’s family killed the other’s family. But how can leaders encourage people to do this while at the top they are involved in adversarial politics of quarrels and recriminations? Leaders in Rwanda are setting the example of what they are asking and expecting of their citizens.
RPF-Inkotanyi presidential flag bearer and incumbent, Paul Kagame has urged Rwandans to foster unity and work towards common goals as this would be the ultimate tool to nurture sustainable development agenda in the country. Kagame said this at a campaign rally in Nyagatare district, in the Eastern Province. He added that Rwanda has made what seemed like unimaginable progress in the last 23 years.
Standing rather crestfallen before hundreds of residents in Nyamata Sector in Bugesera District, Celestin Bakomeza lowers his voice to express his unreserved remorse towards the families he hurt during the 1994 genocide against the Tutsi so that he can be at peace. Among the crowd is Erenestine Mukakarangwa, a genocide survivor whom he had tried to kill.
Across just 100 days in 1994, Rwanda was gripped by the fastest killing spree in the history of the world. One million slaughtered in a horrific genocide that would see neighbour set upon neighbour. But as the author leaves the country, she is struck by the bridging of that divide in the 23 years since the unimaginable horror. And ‘Ndi umunyaRwanda’ is the essence of it. A powerful declaration of reconciliation.
A delegation of 18 people from Johannesburg, joined residents of Jabana sector in Kigali in the monthly community work, Umuganda. The officials were in the country on a study tour aimed at learning strategies that the city of Kigali uses to maintain cleanliness. One of them commented that he had observed that this act heals people’s minds.
Umwaka wa 2014-2015 waranzwe n’ibikorwa bitandukanye by’Ubumwe n’Ubwiyunge, byakozwe n’inzego zinyuranye n’iza Komisiyo zirimo Urwego rw’Abakomiseri n’ Ubunyamabanga buhoraho. Iyi raporo igizwe n’ibikorwa byakozwe biri muri gahunda y’ibikorwa ya Komisiyo (2014- 2015). Hari kandi n’ibyakozwe n’inzego zindi zaba iza sosiyete sivile n’inzego za Leta.
Several Genocide survivors in Gisagara District have accepted to live peacefully with perpetrators who had asked for forgiveness for their role in the 1994 Genocide against Tutsi. Genocide convicts who served their sentences knelt down in church with survivors holding on their shoulders as clerics prayed for healing.
The overall objective of the research was to evaluate the achievements of reconciliation process in Bugesera district after the 1994 genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda. Bugesera district lost over 62,000 Tutsi during genocide, being the most hit in the country. Today, the survivors and perpetrators are living together in the same district. The study is aimed at evaluating the impact of reconciliation mechanisms in place and how these mechanisms can be enhanced to get better results.
This study deals with the problem of transitional justice in post-genocide Rwanda in the light of South African experience. Transitional justice, a kind of justice pertinent to societies in transition from dictatorship to democracy where the new democratic regime faces the challenge of how to redress the abuses of the past, varies according to each case.
African countries have for a long time undergone a series of problems that include; genocide, racism, economic depression, colonisation, civil wars, and so on. These have left many African societies in hopeless situations that entail considerable intervention. This study will explore the possible causes of conflicts mainly genocide and collective violence, in which the 1994 genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda will be the main focus.
This study is an evaluation of the Rwandan unity and reconciliation process and was undertaken to assess whether it possesses the potential for building sustainable peace in the country. Generally, the study showed that the process of unity and reconciliation in Rwanda has the potential to succeed since high governing leaders are engaged to restore unity and reconciliation in the country. Political will, the study revealed, is an essential ingredient for sustainable peace.
Reconciliation is among the most contested terms in current peacebuilding and transitional justice debates. Critics often view reconciliation as romantic—expecting immediate harmony after enormous harm—or imposed on victims by religious groups or governments that prefer the language of ‘moving on’ to addressing systemic causes of conflict. This essay reconsiders the concept of ‘reconciliation’ by drawing on community-level experiences in post-genocide Rwanda.
In line with article 9 of the Constitution, the Senate carried out a study designed to find out how Rwandans understand the principle of Dialogue and Consensus, and whether tools put in place to promote and create an enabling environment for Dialogue and Consensus Frameworks are achieving their objectives. The research on Dialogue and Consensus focused on mechanisms such as Gacaca, Abunzi, Umuganda, Community Development Committees, National Women Council, National Youth Council, Itorero, Girinka, Ubudehe, Community Juries, and advisory councils.
This report was conducted by Never Again Rwanda (NAR) in preparation for the implementation of the Societal Healing aspect of the programme. It intends to serve as a resource for practitioners in the field of healing; it aims to provide an understanding of the type of work being done in this domain, including challenges and lessons learned from Rwanda and other countries.
The aim of this article is to introduce forgiveness and reconciliation as an individual leadership competency within organizations that execute transitional justice and peacebuilding systems. This paper presents a definition and conceptual understanding of forgiveness and reconciliation within transitional justice and leadership disciplines.
Transitional justice initiatives in post-genocide Rwanda include the United Nations International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR), and national and local transitional justice initiatives by the Rwandan government. More than two decades later, it is important to take stock of the lessons learned through empirical research which is relevant for improving the understanding of post-conflict societies and the impact of transitional justice mechanisms.
This article engages with recent attempts to bridge the apparent divide between disarmament, demobilization and reintegration (DDR) and transitional justice, and their implications for post-conflict environments characterized by large-scale displacement. It highlights these general problems by examining the cases of Rwanda and Uganda, neighbouring countries recovering from continuing cycles of mass conflict and forced displacement over the last two decades.
This paper assesses the reality of the Church’s influence in the genocide and in the overall reconciliation effort, using the theological foundations upon which the reconciliation movement is founded. It also looks at how faith-based reconciliatory efforts are influenced by Rwanda’s past and by the larger global Christian community and will evaluate how best to focus those influences into constructive solutions for the country.
The study concentrates on international assistance after the 1994 genocide when the victory of the Rwandan Patriotic Army (RPA) ended a months-long period of ethnic killings that took the lives of approximately 1,000,000 people, predominantly Tutsi but also Hutu. The report traces the main political developments in the subsequent “transition” period (1994-2003) and analyzes the impact of international assistance on the creation of a civil society as well as governmental electoral, human rights, and media organizations in Rwanda.
The book analyses the political, legal and regional impact of events in post-genocide Rwanda within the themes of transitional justice and reconciliation. It includes chapters from scholars in this field, along with senior government and non-government officials involved in matters related to Rwanda and transitional justice.
The book is a review of the Gacaca Courts which were established in 2001 in Rwanda as an attempt to prosecute suspects involved in the 1994 genocide. Dr. Clark argues that, despite widespread international scepticism, the Gacaca process has achieved remarkable results in terms of justice and reconciliation, although this has often come at a price, especially the re-traumatisation of many Rwandans who have participated firsthand in hearings.
This book reveals how in every society we have to move away from viewing trauma survivors as “broken people” and “outcasts” to seeing them as courageous people actively contributing to larger social goals. When violence occurs, there is damage not only to individuals but to entire societies, and to the world. Through the journey of self-healing that survivors make, they enable the rest of us not only as individuals but as entire communities to recover from injury in a violent world.
Emma is a young Tutsi girl who lost her mother during the genocide in 1994. When the country establishes gacaca courts to allow victims to face their tormenters in their villages, Emma is uneasy and afraid. But through her growing friendship with a young torture victim and the gentle encouragement of an old man charged with helping child survivors, Emma finds the courage to return to the house where her mother was killed and begin the journey to healing.
The book provides a unique grassroots perspective on a postconflict society. Anthropologist Jennie E. Burnet relates with sensitivity the heart-wrenching survival stories of ordinary Rwandan women and uncovers political and historical themes in their personal narratives. She shows that women’s leading role in Rwanda’s renaissance resulted from several factors: the dire postgenocide situation that forced women into new roles; advocacy by the Rwandan women’s movement; and the inclusion of women in the postgenocide government.
The author explains why we need to move beyond “traditional” diplomacy, which often emphasizes top-level leaders and short-term objectives, toward a holistic approach that stresses the multiplicity of peacemakers, long-term perspectives, and the need to create an infrastructure that empowers resources within a society and maximizes contributions from outside. It also explores the dynamics of contemporary conflict and presents an integrated framework for peacebuilding in which structure, process, resources, training, and evaluation are coordinated in an attempt to transform the conflict and effect reconciliation.
This report results from a fact-finding mission by the Institute’s (USIP) Coordinator for Africa Activities and an Executive Fellow to the Great Lakes during July 1999. Discussions were held with over 200 government and civil society leaders in the Great Lakes, OAU officials, UN representatives, U.S. and European aid and diplomatic officials, and international NGO employees.
The Director General of UNESCO, Irina Bokova visited the Kigali Genocide Memorial on 10 May 2017. Rwanda had earlier on requested that Kigali Genocide Memorial Centre in Gisozi, Ntarama Genocide Memorial in Bugesera District, Murambi Genocide Memorial in Nyamagabe District, and Bisesero Genocide Memorial in Karongi District be included in the UNESCO World Heritage Sites. Irina noted that this very much needed in order to educate the world about the country’s history which can help prevent similar atrocities worldwide.
Jackie Akello is a singer from Uganda. She resorted to music after being affected by the Lord’s Resistance Army war; which saw her lose her ancestral home and a number of relatives. Through music, she shares her story and preaches reconciliation, hope and peace.
Ceasefire monitors in South Sudan have called upon warring factions to immediately end hostilities as famine and economic hardships continue to ravage the war-torn country. Ethiopian Major-General Molla Hailemariam, who heads the internationally backed ceasefire monitoring team, raised concerns about the clashes between government forces and rebels in the insurgent-controlled Upper Nile and some parts in Equatoria that in the end affect civilians.
On 26th March 2017, during the annual AIPAC policy conference in Washington DC, President Paul Kagame called for global solidarity against efforts to deny genocide and trivialise the victims, saying that security of once targeted people is beyond physical.
Rwandan President Paul Kagame visited the Apostolic Palace on 20th March 2017. The Vatican acknowledged that the church itself bore blame, as well as some Catholic priests and nuns who “succumbed to hatred and violence, betraying their own evangelical mission” by participating in the genocide. Pope Francis asked for forgiveness and sought to create a renewed relationship with the Rwandan government.
In this series of remarkable and thought-provoking essays, the contributors shed light on the process of peacebuilding. Collectively, they demonstrate that if efforts to restore peace in war-torn societies are to be successful, such efforts must be wide in scope, involving security and political issues, as well as economic development and socio-psychological reconciliation. Additionally, they must be extended over long periods of time and, above all else, anchored in the local community.
This book focuses on the current study of victims of crime, combining both legal and social-scientific perspectives, articulating both in new directions and questioning whether victims really do have more rights in our modern world. It addresses challenging and new issues in the field of victimology and the study of transitional and restorative justice. As such, it will be of interest to researchers, practitioners and students interested in the fields of victimology, transitional justice, restorative justice and trauma work.
One hot May morning in 2003, a crowd of Hutus who had participated in the genocidal killings of April 1994 in Rwanda filed out of prison and into the sunshine, singing hallelujahs, their freedom granted by presidential pardon. As they returned to their old villages, Tutsi survivors watched as the people who had killed their neighbors and families returned to the homes around them. In The Antelope’s Strategy, Jean Hatzfeld returns to Rwanda to talk with both Hutus and Tutsis in order to find out how it is living side by side.
The novel recounts the story of a Rwandan history teacher, Cornelius Uvimana, who was living and working in Djibouti at the time of the massacre. He returns to Rwanda to try to comprehend the death of his family and to write a play about the events that took place there. As the novel unfolds, Cornelius begins to understand that it is only our humanity that will save us, and that as a writer, he must bear witness to the atrocities of the genocide.
This book examines the obstacles and opportunities that women religious peacebuilders face as they navigate both the complex conflicts they are seeking to resolve and the power dynamics in the institutions they must deal with in order to accomplish their goals. It shows how women determined to work for peace have faced these obstacles in ingenious ways—suggesting, by example, ways that religious and secular organizations might better include them in larger peacebuilding campaigns and make those campaigns more effective in ending conflict.
This paper argues that ‘the Rwandan government’s reconciliation will need to be accompanied by a process of democratisation if it is to achieve its objective of fostering long-term peace’. The discrepancy between national unity discourse and the lack of effective power-sharing without democracy may well sow the seeds for future ethnic unrest. Therefore democratisation is necessary for reconciliation, despite a potentially inverse effect on short-term stability.
The author examines different forms of memorialisation with regards to the events of 1994, particularly focusing on the state-sponsored genocide commemorations of April 2004 and comparing it to Hotel Rwanda, the Hollywood film released in the same year. He investigates their unique distinctions, and their ability to memorialise and raise awareness of the Genocide, as well as the consequences of such memorials.
This paper examines ‘how political identities have been reconstructed since the genocide, especially from above’. It tackles the roles of History, law and politics in constructing a new social dynamic, and how this is important in terms of dialogue and reconciliation.
The author looks at the difficulties of a post-genocide peace in Rwanda, by evaluating the obstacles in place which stand in the way of true reconciliation. The key obstacle he focuses on is the nature of the end of the conflict; the challenges that the legacy of a one-sided victory that brought the war to an end, rather than a peaceful settlement.
After the establishment of the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR), an assessment of its achievements must be undertaken. Thus, the paper looks into ICTR’s role in fostering national reconciliation among Rwandans; and pays attention to the obstacles involved in the nature of the conflict that have proved to be a challenge.
This paper focuses on the religious dimension of post-genocide Rwanda and the role of the church towards the country’s healing. The author agrees that to “fixate only on the negative aspects of religion, however, is to overlook the quintessential ‘ambivalence of the sacred’ ” (Appleby 2000); that is to say, that religion can serve both as a source of conflict and as a vehicle for peace.
This paper interrogates the capacity of radio stations in these three countries of the African Great Lakes region to act as influential independent stakeholders in the post-conflict debate. It also looks into the obstacles to free speech, the media synergy shared between radio stations and other media, and the autonomy and sustainability of such stations.
The subject matter here is the role of History in post-conflict education systems. The authors examine secondary schools in Rwanda, and ask how ‘material for a history curriculum can be developed to avoid propaganda’, while also promoting unity simultaneously.
Contributors of this book consider what justice means and how it is negotiated in different localities where transitional justice efforts are underway after genocide and mass atrocity. They address a variety of mechanisms, among them, a memorial site in Bali, truth commissions in Argentina and Chile, First Nations treaty negotiations in Canada, violent youth groups in northern Nigeria, the murder of young women in post-conflict Guatemala, and the gacaca courts in Rwanda.
Based on studies in ten countries, this book analyzes how some combine multiple institutions, others experiment with community-level initiatives that draw on traditional law and culture, whilst others combine internal actions with transnational or international ones. The authors argue that transitional justice efforts must also consider the challenges to legitimacy and local ownership emerging after external military intervention or occupation.
Rejecting easy explanations of the genocide as a mysterious evil force that was bizarrely unleashed, one of Africa’s best-known intellectuals situates the tragedy in its proper context. He coaxes to the surface the historical, geographical, and political forces that made it possible for so many Hutu to turn so brutally on their neighbors. He finds answers in the nature of political identities generated during colonialism, in the failures of the nationalist revolution to transcend these identities, and in regional demographic and political currents that reach well beyond Rwanda. In so doing, Mahmood Mamdani usefully broadens understandings of citizenship and political identity in postcolonial Africa.
Considering that institutions can have a power to influence the Government, policy makers and the public in general, NURC found it important to focus on monitoring the unity and reconciliation in public institutions and private institutions. This document is to help develop strategies and tools of monitoring unity and reconciliation within institutions based in Rwanda, and to ensure the implementation of the principles and the National Policy of Unity and Reconciliation with the purpose of maintaining Rwandan unity.
This study was conceived by the Senate of the Republic of Rwanda and commissioned to the Center for Conflict Management of the National University of Rwanda for execution. In its broadest sense, the study seeks to address two often conflicting perceptions. On the one hand, the assertion that pluralism and power sharing are alive and well in Rwanda, and on the other hand the view held by some critics that application of the constitutional principles of political pluralism and power sharing is seriously lacking in the country.
This paper argues that both justice and reconciliation are fundamentally significant goals that need to be addressed in the design of successful post-conflict peacebuilding processes and mechanisms, especially in the aftermath of genocide. This argument is based on theories that suggest the importance of reconciliation as a means to conflict resolution and transformation. It is supported by the results of field research in Cambodia and Rwanda, and preliminary analysis of experiences in Sierra Leone and East Timor.
Scholars and practitioners contend that psychosocial healing is an effective way to reconstruct and rebuild society with an improved quality of life. It is against this background, that the paper makes an analysis of the gacaca process in Rwanda as a method of culturally sensitive approaches to psychological healing. Its main objective is to examine the Rwandan case and present recommendations on policies, strategies and instruments for post-conflict capacity-building initiatives.
The genocide perpetrated against the Tutsi resulted from an ideology of hatred. After the genocide, the Rwandan government began to strive to reconstruct the nation and craft social cohesion in order to prevent genocide. Specifically, the government now aims to fight against any forms of genocide ideology, or the propagation of divisive beliefs, as it was a root cause of the genocide. In this vein, education was viewed as a powerful tool that could help to foster unity and reconciliation and combat any kind of division among Rwandans.
This paper looks at conflicts with community implications; those which bear consequences at the community level and which impede the process of unity and reconciliation. It also looks into ways of developing peaceful mechanisms for conflict management. In this perspective, NURC conducted this study with an aim of detecting in time any precursor sign of a potential conflict for the sake of its prevention.
The paper seeks to examine the level of citizen participation in designing, implementing and the evaluating the government programmes and policies; to analyze the level of interactions between leaders (elected and non-elected) and voters; and to evaluate the effectiveness of non-state structures in promoting citizens’ participation influencing decision making.
At the century’s end, societies all over the world are throwing off the yoke of authoritarian rule and beginning to build democracies. At any such time of radical change, the question arises: should a society punish its ancien regime or let bygones be bygones? Transitional Justice takes this question to a new level with an interdisciplinary approach that challenges the very terms of the contemporary debate.
The 1994 genocide against Tutsi destroyed the political, social and economic fabrics of the country. Years later, the clear choice of politics has centered on dialogue and consensus to address both national and local issues. This paper looks at how promoting dialogue and consensus has impacted the building and consolidation of social capital and social cohesion to sustain what has been achieved.
This research study was commissioned in a bid to quantitatively and qualitatively assess the outcome of investments that have been continuously made by the Government of Rwanda to support the reintegration process of ex-genocide prisoners to normal life and back to their communities for more than a decade.
The purpose of the present Rwanda Reconciliation Barometer (2015) was to track the current status of reconciliation in Rwanda through citizens’ experiences and opinions, while identifying key favorable factors and challenges in this regard. The assessment focused on: understanding the past, present and envisioning the future; citizenship and identity; political culture; security and wellbeing; justice, fairness and rights; and social cohesion.
Even after genocide, violence continues raging among the Rwandan population. Apart from community violence, there exists domestic violence, the scale of which is sometimes worrying mostly with regard to rape of wives by their husbands, child sexual defilement rape of girls and of domestic workers and infanticide. This paper seeks to find out the causes of these acts of injustice, and their tentative solutions that could be used as a tool of conflict resolution in Rwanda.