French State broadcaster France Inter – a sister channel to RFI” has given cosmetic feedback and apology to a French based Rwandan lawyer who filed a complaint against their emission where the presenters denied the Genocide against Tutsi early this week. The apology made by Radio France Inter boss has infuriated Rwandans from all walks of life, who believe the Radio has a Genocide negation agenda.
The author offers a wide-ranging and integrated account of the many manifestations of violence in society. He examines violent behaviour and its meanings in contemporary culture and throughout history. Introducing the major theoretical debates, the book examines different levels of violence – interpersonal, institutional and collective – and different forms of violence – such as racist crime, homophobic crime and genocide. It provides readers with a succinct and comprehensive overview of its nature and effects, and the solutions and conflict resolutions involved in responses to violence.
The Second World Wars examines how combat unfolded in the air, at sea, and on land to show how distinct conflicts among disparate combatants coalesced into one interconnected global war. Drawing on 3,000 years of military history, Victor Davis Hanson argues that despite its novel industrial barbarity, neither the war’s origins nor its geography were unusual. Nor was its ultimate outcome surprising. The Axis powers were well prepared to win limited border conflicts, but once they blundered into global war, they had no hope of victory.
The Human Rights Paradox is the first book to fully embrace this contradiction and reframe human rights as history, contemporary social advocacy, and future prospect. In case studies that span Africa, Latin America, South and Southeast Asia, and the United States, contributors carefully illuminate how social actors create the imperative of human rights through relationships whose entanglements of the global and the local are so profound that one cannot exist apart from the other.
The author describes these kingdoms’ complex social and political organisation and analyses how German, British, and Belgian colonisers not only transformed and exploited the existing power structures, but also projected their own racial categories onto them. He shows how the independent states of the postcolonial era, in particular Burundi, Rwanda, and Uganda, have been trapped by their colonial and precolonial legacies, especially by the racial rewriting of the latter by the former.
The book examines the dysfunctional incentives under which the continent’s political and economic elites typically operate and offers a new way of thinking about Africa’s development dilemmas and the policy options for addressing them. Weak states, personal rule and aid dependence, argue the authors, combine to create deep disincentives to development. Most often, these negative structural features are sustained by the nature of Africa’s interaction with the rest of the international system; thus, the cure must come from a radical restructuring of that relationship.
This paper seeks to examine the proliferation of Pentecostal churches and the changing religious landscape of Rwanda. The horrific genocide of 1994, left the country’s traditional mainline churches bloodied and the Christian faith seriously challenged. Unlike elsewhere in Africa, prior to the genocide, Pentecostal churches had not got a foot-hold in Rwanda, then referred to as the most Catholic country in Africa. In the aftermath, Rwanda has experienced a spontaneous growth of new churches imported by returnees from far and wide. Though the Catholic Church still retains its dominant position, there has been an upsurge of Protestants and the Rwandan religious landscape is changing considerably.
Mu ITORA RYA KOMINI haravugwamo imirongo migari ikurikira:
-Inyigisho ziyobora itegura ry’abakandida n’iyamamaza ryabo!
– Icyo urumuri rwa demokrasi ruvuga!
– Abatowe batorewe iki?
– Umuco w’itora muri demokrasi!
– Révolution ya 59 ntirarangira!
– Ibiranga umuparmehutu w’ukuri!
– Tugereranye umuco wa Demukarasi M.D.R Parmehutu yatuzaniye n’uw’ubuhake yadukuyemo.
– Itangazo rya Perezida wa M.D.R Parmehutu ryerekeye itora rya komini!
The book is Based on a PhD thesis that won the British International History Group thesis prize 2013 – described as excellent by the judges. It provides a comprehensive review of the British response to the genocide against the Tutsi and gives an insight into the foreign policy of the John Major government. It uses the detailed case study of Rwanda to explore British responses to overseas crises more generally (including Libya and Syria); particularly useful to students looking to understand practical foreign policy making.
The umbrella body of Genocide survivors’ associations, Ibuka, has said they will sustain the momentum to push for declassification of crucial files that are in the hands of the French authorities despite the latter’s continued efforts to cover up for Paris’s role in the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda.
Straus provides substantial new evidence about local patterns of violence, using original research-including the most comprehensive surveys yet undertaken among convicted perpetrators to assess competing theories about the causes and dynamics of the genocide. Current interpretations stress three main causes for the genocide: ethnic identity, ideology, and mass-media indoctrination (in particular the influence of hate radio). Straus emphasizes fear and intra-ethnic intimidation as the primary drivers of the violence.
What makes the genocide against the Tutsi a particularly chilling and challenging event for Christian reflection, is that Rwanda has been, and perhaps remains, one of the most Christianized nations in Africa. It is estimated that as many as 90% of Rwandans in 1994 were Christians. Given that the majority of Rwandans were Christians, why did that not make any significant difference when it came to the events of 1994 ? Where was the church? Did God just turn his back on Rwanda? The more one probes these and similar questions, the more one faces the disturbing realization that in genocide, the church was not simply silent, but was intimately associated with it.
This article seeks to bring the often-invisible labor of interpreters and language assistants at the International Criminal Court and the ad hoc International Criminal Tribunals for Rwanda and the former Yugoslavia into sharper focus. It highlights the far-reaching and extensive tasks of language workers; negotiating and mediating witnesses’ accounts of atrocity, including sexualized violence, inside and outside international courtrooms. The author illustrates how language work is central to the life of an international court and the vision of international criminal accountability.
This article examines the discourse on women and violence in contemporary Western feminist theory. It focuses on the all-too-familiar debate whether any connection between being female and being a pacifist is the result of nature or nurture. It also offers a brief overview of social inequality, both ethnic and gender, in Rwanda. It then outlines the roles of extremist Hutu women as perpetrators of the genocide against the Tutsi. Finally, the author assesses how well each of the feminist perspectives on women and violence fits the case of the 1994 genocide against the Tutsi.
The book discusses the causes, results, and ramifications of the genocides perpetrated in the 20th century, including, for example, the following: the Armenians in the Ottoman Empire; the Jews, Romani and mentally and physically handicapped during the Holocaust; and such post-Holocaust genocides as those in East Timor, Bangladesh, Cambodia, Iraq, Cambodia and Rwanda. This edition has been fully updated and features new chapters on the ethnic cleansing and genocide in the former Yugoslavia and the mass killing of the Kurds in Iraq.
Combining unprecedented analyses of the genocide’s progression and the logistical limitations of humanitarian military intervention, the author reaches a startling conclusion: even if Western leaders had ordered an intervention as soon as they became aware of a nationwide genocide in Rwanda, the intervention forces would have arrived too late to save more than a quarter of the 500,000 Tutsi ultimately killed. Serving as a cautionary message about the limits of humanitarian intervention, the book’s concluding chapters address lessons for the future.
The author shows that the impetus for mass killing usually originates from a relatively small group of powerful leaders and is often carried out without the active support of broader society. Mass killing, in his view, is a brutal political or military strategy designed to accomplish leaders’ most important objectives, counter threats to their power, and solve their most difficult problems. He concludes that attempts to prevent mass killing should focus on disarming and removing from power the leaders and small groups responsible for instigating and organizing the killing.
Why was the UN a bystander during the Rwandan genocide? Do its sins of omission leave it morally responsible for the hundreds of thousands of dead? Based on his first-hand experiences, archival work, and interviews with many key participants, the author reconstructs the history of the UN’s involvement in Rwanda. Michael argues that United Nation’s indifference was driven not by incompetence or cynicism but rather by reasoned choices cradled by moral considerations.
Academics, NGOs, the United Nations, and individual nations are focused on the prevention and intervention of genocide. Traditionally, missions to prevent or intervene in genocide have been sporadic and under-resourced. The contributors to this volume consider some of the major stumbling blocks to the avoidance of genocide.
The Geography of Genocide offers a unique analysis of over sixty genocides in world history, explaining why genocides only occur in territorial interiors and never originate from cosmopolitan urban centers.
This book studies the obligation to prevent genocide under international law and more particularly the extent of that obligation under the Genocide Convention and customary international law.
Preventing genocide is not only possible, Dr Hamburg contends, but essential given its high cost in lives, human rights, and international security. Here he maps out numerous practical steps to recognise genocidal conflicts early and stem their tides of violence before they become acute. He also outlines several institutions in place and programs underway at the UN, EU, and NATO devoted to preventing future genocides before they erupt. He draws lessons both from missed opportunities and successful experiences and makes many constructive suggestions about strengthening international institutions, governments, and NGOs for this purpose.
In The Debris of Ham, Aimable argues that while ethnic ideology provided the materials for the relentless propaganda against the Tutsi and the Hutu of the political opposition in 1990-1994, in a parallel mode, regional politics provided the sine qua non that made the 1994 genocide against the Tutsi possible. This book investigates the juxtaposition of ethnicity and regionalism in Rwandan politics, and the unfolding of the worst mass murder at the end of the twentieth century.
This edited volume brings together critical insights that address the multifaceted problems of governance and democracy in the developing regions with specific reference to Africa. It explores both the externally prescribed and home-grown governance initiatives geared toward democracy and development, and suggests alternative strategies to improve the processes and institutions of governance.
Since the end of the Cold War, conflict prevention and resolution, peacekeeping and peacebuilding have risen to the top of the international agenda. The fourth edition of this hugely popular text explains the key concepts, charts the development of the field, evaluates successes and failures, and assesses the main current challenges and debates in the second decade of the twenty-first century.
This book explains what religious terrorists and religious peacemakers share in common, what causes them to take different paths in fighting injustice, and how a deeper understanding of religious extremism can and must be integrated more effectively into our thinking about tribal, regional, and international conflict.
President Paul Kagame has put to rest the talk doing rounds that Rwanda is demanding compensation from the international community and the Roman Catholic Church for their failure to intervene during the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi. At an event to mark the 23rd anniversary of the genocide, President Kagame said that Rwanda is not looking for money or any form of compensation but is willing to listen to those ready to take responsibility for their actions and forge new relationships.
Pope Francis made an appeal for the “guns to be silenced” in the Central African Republic. “Unfortunately painful news arrive from the Central African Republic, a country I carry in my heart, especially after my visit in November 2015,” the Pontiff told the crowd gathered in St. Peter’s Square. Armed clashes the Pope noted had “caused numerous victims” and left many people displaced thus threatening the country’s peace process.
The rate of convictions related to genocide ideology has increased over the years as people are more willing to come forward to testify against suspects. This was revealed by Chief Justice Sam Rugege at a function where the staff from the Supreme Court, National Public Prosecution Authority, Ministry of Justice and Rwanda Law Reform Commission remembered former colleagues killed during the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi. It means that more people now understand the dangers of genocide ideology and are reporting it.
As part of the events to mark the African Liberation Day, several African diplomats accredited to Kigali toured the Kigali Genocide Memorial Centre, Gisozi, to pay their respects to the victims of the Genocide against the Tutsi. According to a statement, the team comprised high commissioners for Kenya, Tanzania and South Africa, as well as the ambassadors of Congo Brazzaville and Egypt.
South Sudanese soldiers accused of raping at least five foreign aid workers and killing their local colleague last year are due to stand trial in a military court, a key test of the government’s ability to prosecute war crimes. Prosecutor Abubaker Mohammed, an army colonel, told Reuters that between 15 to 20 government soldiers face charges including murder, rape and looting during the attack on the Terrain hotel in the capital Juba on July 11, 2016.
Public servants have been called on to actively fight genocide ideology and work diligently toward building a united and equal country. The call was made Friday by the Minister for Public Service and Labour, Judith Uwizeye, at an event to commemorate 25 former staffers of three ministries who were killed during the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi.
A former Congolese rebel commander told war crimes judges on Wednesday the “horrific events” he saw during Rwanda’s 1994 genocide shaped him to vow to do everything he could to prevent “it happening again”. Almost two years after his trial opened, Bosco Ntaganda took the stand for the first time expected to talk about events in 2002 and 2003, when his rebel forces rampaged through neighbouring Democratic Republic of Congo’s gold-rich Ituri province, murdering and raping civilians and plundering their possessions.
Nigeria’s 36 state governors have appealed to the country’s separatists to embrace peace, warning against the Rwandan or Somali experience. “It has been unanimously agreed that the unity of this country is sacrosanct, it is non-negotiable and we have all agreed to work together to educate people,” Abiola Ajimobi, governor of southwestern Oyo state, told reporters in the capital Abuja early Thursday, shortly after a meeting with acting President Yemi Osinbajo.
About 600 troops from Congo Republic serving as UN peacekeepers in the Central African Republic will be returning home following allegations of sex abuse, the United Nations announced on Wednesday. President Denis Sassou Nguesso’s government “decided to withdraw” the troops deployed in the MINUSCA mission after the commander complained of misconduct, a UN statement said.
On July 4, while Americans celebrate their independence, Rwandans are celebrating Liberation Day — commemorating the day in 1994 when rebel troops marched into the capital Kigali and ended a genocide against the country’s Tutsi minority. Rwanda is still a poor country but it is peaceful — after a decade of community-led justice and reconciliation efforts, it is largely free from the ethnic divisions that led to the genocide more than two decades ago. And it has made strides in building its infrastructure and stamping out corruption.
Rivlin and Netanyahu went together to meet Kagame as his car pulled to a stop in the presidential compound. “You were the indispensable bridge on which we marched step by step to return to Africa,” Netanyahu said, referring to Kagame’s support of his efforts to build closer ties with Africa.
Nominated Senator Naisula Lesuuda has hailed the Rwandan people for their resilience and holding together for prosperity after a difficult history of genocide. Speaking during the country’s Liberation day at the Kenyatta International Convention Centre, Hon Lessuda thanked Rwandans and their leadership for resilience that characterised them for the past 23 years saying that Kenya recognizes the fact that Rwanda’s transformational leadership and resolute political will has been at the centre of the transformed governance and social-economic fabric of the Rwandan society.
At the Avignon Festival this year, Munyaneza’s stage-documentary with vocals and sound aggressively expose the violence meted out and received during the period of terror and the violence it left behind. It starts with a woman’s voice-off explaining how she was raped by Interhamwe militia as she fled the barbarity. She goes on to say how she became pregnant, had the child and was rejected by her family when she returned to Rwanda. And then how she rejected the child, a son.
A top British diplomat, Sir Simon McDonald, has said that if countries are to progress and make things better for their people, it is important that they work closely together. Sir McDonald, the Permanent Under-Secretary at the Foreign and Commonwealth Office and Head of the UK’s Diplomatic Service, was speaking during his visit to Rwanda.
South Sudanese President Salva Kiir has appealed to the African Union and the UN to support the country’s national dialogue initiative. “Our country is politically divided and we must find ways and means to unite and build one nation. The implementation of the peace deal and the national dialogue are the only way forward,” he said.
The UN Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in the CAR (MINUSCA) has repeatedly come under scrutiny for its inability to protect civilians. Al Jazeera spoke to Lieutenant General Balla Keita, force commander of the United Nations MINUSCA, about criticisms that the mission was unable to halt armed groups and failing to protect civilians.
Rwandan government officials have dismissed as false a report released by the Human Rights Watch (HRW) which accuses security forces of executing at least 37 people over the past few months. The report alleges that 37 people were executed in the western part of the country, in extrajudicial killings over petty offences.
The United Nations has commended the role by Rwandan Police peacekeepers serving under the UN Multidimensional Stabilization Mission in Central African Republic (MINUSCA) for their quick response to protect an IDP camp, when it was attacked by an armed group.
Akon is a Senegalese-American singer and a successful businessman. He is involved in several investments across 25 African countries- one of the major projects includes The Akon Lighting Africa project. During the Africa Youth Connekt Africa Summit 17’ he said that, “the young mind needs to interact with the older mind…elders are very special when it comes to a standpoint of seeing the future. They have seen it all… If you see the technology being used today you can’t say the youth don’t know anything. The secret of Africa is the unity of older and young generation.”
Servicemen and women from the Rwanda Aviation Unit 5 (RAU 5) serving in South Sudan stood proudly as they were awarded UN medals in recognition of their service. In a jubilant ceremony, the United Mission in South Sudan (UNMISS) Deputy Special Representative of the Secretary-General, Moustapha Soumaré, thanked the Government of Rwanda for its commitment to the UN mission and to the people of South Sudan.
The young generation is lucky not to have lived through the horrors of the genocide against the Tutsi. They are also lucky to enter adulthood under a conducive environment and a leadership that has the country at heart. They should however be reminded that the journey was not easy, many lives and livelihoods were sacrificed along the way.
This fall semester, Appalachian State University will become one of 79 sites to provide full access to the USC Shoah Foundation Visual History Archive. The archive contains 55,000 testimonies of survivors and witnesses of the Holocaust, the Genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda (1994), the Nanjing Massacre (1937), the Guatemalan Genocide (1978-1996), the Armenian Genocide (1915-1923) and the Cambodian Genocide (1975-1979). The testimonies were taken in 62 countries and 41 languages, and are fully indexed and searchable by the minute with 64,826 keywords, 718,940 images and 1,861,032 names.
Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa of Zimbabwe urged Rwandan refugees to return home to vote in presidential elections. Mnangagwa re-affirmed the United Nations’ call to repatriate Rwandese who fled to Zimbabwe, saying the troubled nation was now “safe.” Rwanda has made dramatic economic recovery in the two decades since the genocide against the Tutsi occurred in 1994.
Rwanda continues to feature as one of the safest countries in the world, according to a new Gallup Global Law and Order report. The report has ranked Rwanda 11th globally and 2nd in Africa with over 87 per cent of citizens saying that they feel safe and confident in the security organs. Algeria is the only African country that came ahead of Rwanda, at 90 per cent.
There are several factors behind Kagame’s 98.79% win; one of them is the fact that as many as eight opposition parties backed his candidacy this time round and their leaders were vocal on the campaign trail in support of the RPF-Inkotanyi flag-bearer. Unity among different political parties and consensual-rather-than-confrontational politics have played a key part in Rwanda’s post-Genocide recovery and healing.
President Paul Kagame delivered a powerful inaugural speech, rallying Rwandans and Africans to stand together in the interest of their own people as that is the root of all successes. The President pointed out that for centuries, Africa has faced adversity, but it is the continent’s civilisation that has sustained it.
After the slaughter of one million people in 100 days in 1994, Paul Kagame is the man who brought peace to Rwanda and made it an African success story. His critics say he’s an autocrat who has ruled for too long and orders the killing of opponents. In the month that he won another election, John Carlin asks the president about his legacy – and involvement in the murder of his friend and former political ally.
The newly appointed Prime Minister, Dr Edouard Ngirente announced a cabinet that features a number of new ministers but also saw several others retain their dockets. The new cabinet was appointed by President Paul Kagame in consultation with the Premier. The Ministry of Natural Resources has been split into the Environment ministry and Lands and Forestry ministry. The Ministry of youth and ICT was split with the two getting respective ministries.
This report is based on Resolution 5/1 of the Human Rights Council and the guidelines for the preparation of information under the Universal Periodic Review. From the report, it is clear that the Government of Rwanda is committed to the promotion and the protection of human rights. Rwanda has established various institutions to help promote and protect the human rights from every angle of the Rwandan society; Rwanda Governance Advisory Council and the Task Force on Treaty Reporting.
The UN chief has said that the renewed clashes in the Central African Republic (CAR) are early warning signs of a genocide. He called for more troops and police to beef up the UN peacekeeping mission in the strife-torn country. He noted that some 180,000 people have been driven from their homes this year, bringing the total number of displaced in the CAR to well over half a million.
Susan Pollack warokotse Jenoside Adolf Hitler n’ingabo ze bakoreye Abayahudi, yashimye ingamba zafashwe na Guverinoma y’u Rwanda zo kubaka inzibutso zitandukanye zigaragaza amateka ya Jenoside yakorewe Abatutsi. Uyu mukecuru w’imyaka 86 avuga ko inzibutso za Jenoside ari ikimenyetso cyo kwihanangiriza undi wese ushobora kuzagira ingengabitekerezo ya Jenoside yaba ubu no mu gihe kizaza. Mu kiganiro yatangiye ku rwibutso rwa Jenoside yakorewe Abatutsi ruri ku Gisozi, Pollack yavuze ko nta yindi jenoside ishoboka mu Rwanda kubera ingamba zafashwe.
His Excellency, the President of the Republic of Rwanda, Paul Kagame, told The Telegraph in an interview that Rwanda does not need to “convince” Barack Obama, Donald Trump or European leaders that it is aspiring to the democratic ideals of the West.
This dissertation examines the relationship between the African Union (AU) and the International Criminal Court (ICC). The case studies of Kenya, Sudan, Rwanda and Liberia were used. These countries have had dealings with the ICC at different moments. The study wanted to establish if the concerns raised by African leaders and their countries about the manner in which the ICC conducts its business in Africa is appropriate, justifiable and credible.
This study aims to determine the state of employee participation in decision-making within the public enterprises of communication in Rwanda. More particularly, it is aimed at mapping out the extent of employee participation in the decision-making process in this area, to identify whether employees desire to participate in decision-making and to find out whether they would prefer to participate directly or act through a representative.
The aim of this dissertation is to carry out an evaluation of the Kigali Institute of Science, Technology and Management’s organisational strategy using the criteria of suitability and feasibility. Specifically, this dissertation sets out to evaluate the suitability of KIST’s growth strategy by assessing whether it addresses the circumstances in which the organisation is operating and to establish the feasibility of the strategy by assessing whether the institute possesses the resources and competences to match the chosen growth strategy.
The main purpose of this study is to better understand the lived experiences of refugees from Burundi and Rwanda living in the inner city of Durban and facing xenophobia. This study was motivated by available research evidence that xenophobia is a widespread phenomenon, together with the researcher’s own experience of living as a refugee in South Africa. The investigation was guided by ‘structural social work theory’ and used a qualitative descriptive approach
This study aims to undertake a contextual analysis of the event of the division of the kingdom of Israel narrated in1 Kings 12:1-24. This text and its context are analysed in the light of the context of tribal conflicts in Rwanda, using the inculturation hermeneutical approach that makes the contemporary context of the reader the subject of interpretation. The interactive engagement between the two contexts is conducted in a way that allows insights from each context to enrich the understanding of the other.
The study was designed to understand the experiences and needs of returning refugees to Kigali, Rwanda and the role of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) in their repatriation. The study found that virtually all returnees experienced violence, victimization, psychological distress and extremely traumatic genocide experiences. The author highlights possible recommendations for averting the refugee phenomenon and recommends a variety of counselling, financial and other service interventions to meet returnees’ needs.
Kenya like many other countries offers asylum to refugees in fulfillment of the provisions of the 1951 UN Refugee Convention as well as the 1969 OAU Refugee Convention. The United Nations envisioned an end to refugee status when the reasons for flight as well as persecution no longer continued to exist. The cessation clause marks the end of refugee status and thus facilitates re-establishment in the country of origin. This study endeavours to explore the impact that the cessation clause will have on Rwandan refugees residing in Kenya.
This Thesis is an analytical investigation of the impact of the 1994 genocide against the Tutsi in the Great Lakes Region of Africa. It focuses on the violent conflicts and instability that marked the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), particularly the eastern DRC region since 1996- 2006. The DRC hosted about 1.25 million Rwandan Hutu refugees (including the ex-Forces Armeés Rwandaises and Hutu militiamen) following the hundred atrocious days. This study assesses rigorously the role of the 1994 Rwandan Hutu refugees in the eastern DRC conflicts.
This paper uses a geographical perspective, more specifically the geography of conflict, to assess the environmental causes and impacts of the genocide in Rwanda, more than a decade after the genocide. Primary data used in this article were obtained from fieldwork undertaken in Cyangugu and Butare Towns, case studies chosen not only because of their particular history before, during and after the genocide but also because of their heterogeneous population and physical landscapes.
This essay examines local and global human rights legal frameworks related to early childhood development (ECD). It argues that factors that limit early developmental attainment impinge on the human rights to health, education and economic prosperity, and discusses how Rwandan children access their right to ECD.
This paper explores the temporal dynamics of two long-term civil wars—DR-Congo and Sudan—to identify systematic and random conditions that lead to changes in civilian targeting. Violence committed by rival political actors, territorial exchange, and the number and addition of violent agents strongly shape the likelihood that civilian targeting events and casualties increase or decrease over time.
The author explores why “conflict transformation” is more appropriate than “conflict resolution” or “management.” But he refuses to be drawn into impractical idealism. Conflict Transformation is an idea with a deep reach. Its practice, according to the author, requires “both solutions and social change.” It asks not simply “How do we end something not desired?”, but “How do we end something destructive and build something desired?” How do we deal with the immediate crisis, as well as the long-term situation? What disciplines make such thinking and practices possible?
Ceasefire monitors in South Sudan have called upon warring factions to immediately end hostilities as famine and economic hardships continue to ravage the war-torn country. Ethiopian Major-General Molla Hailemariam, who heads the internationally backed ceasefire monitoring team, raised concerns about the clashes between government forces and rebels in the insurgent-controlled Upper Nile and some parts in Equatoria that in the end affect civilians.
Members of the Peace and Security Council (PSC) of the African Union who paid a courtesy call at Village Urugwiro in Kigali. They were welcomed by President Paul who reminded them to address issues affecting the continent with the right attitude, go ahead with the implementation and to keep the conversation going. They also discussed the ongoing African Union reforms.
Shocked and energized by Sudan’s tragedy, Cheadle teamed up with leading activist John Prendergast to focus the world’s attention on the country’s sad state of affairs. The book also offers six strategies readers themselves can implement: Raise Awareness, Raise Funds, Write a Letter, Call for Divestment, Start an Organization, and Lobby the Government. Each of these small actions can make a huge difference in the fate of a nation, and a people — not only in Darfur, but in other crisis zones
This study was conceived by the Senate of the Republic of Rwanda and commissioned to the Center for Conflict Management of the National University of Rwanda for execution. In its broadest sense, the study seeks to address two often conflicting perceptions. On the one hand, the assertion that pluralism and power sharing are alive and well in Rwanda, and on the other hand the view held by some critics that application of the constitutional principles of political pluralism and power sharing is seriously lacking in the country.
The paper seeks to examine the level of citizen participation in designing, implementing and the evaluating the government programmes and policies; to analyze the level of interactions between leaders (elected and non-elected) and voters; and to evaluate the effectiveness of non-state structures in promoting citizens’ participation influencing decision making.
The Rwandan genocide sparked a horrific bloodbath that swept across sub-Saharan Africa, ultimately leading to the deaths of some four million people. In this extraordinary history of the recent wars in Central Africa, Gerard Prunier offers a gripping account of how one grisly episode laid the groundwork for a sweeping and disastrous upheaval.
Many have purported “ethnic hatred” as the cause of the Rwanda Genocide and while an ethnic divide was indeed present in Rwanda around the time of the conflict, the reasons for the genocide are multiple and far more complex. Thus, the purpose of this paper is to identify the historic and political causes for the Rwandan Genocide through an “ethnic lens” in order to determine whether “ethnic division” was really the cause for the atrocities or was rather just a dimension of the conflict.