Safi Mukundwa, a survivor of the 1994 genocide against the Tutsi, decided to start her own organization known as Safi Life Organisation Center. She explains that the women in the organisation are encouraged to work together as one, maintain peace and above all, help each other. Seeing other people, especially girls and vulnerable women prosper is Mukundwa’s happiness and she believes when post-genocide students are included as well, it helps in the healing of the country in general.
This book offers an in-depth study of posttraumatic growth in the testimonies of the men and women who survived, highlighting the ways in which they were able to build a new, and often enhanced, way of life. In so doing, the author advocates a new reading of trauma: one that recognises not just the negative, but also the positive responses to traumatic experiences, through an analysis of testimonies recorded in Kinyarwanda by the Genocide Archive of Rwanda.
This paper examines the impact of electoral gender quotas in post-war Burundi and Rwanda on women’s political representation. First, it looks at the evolution in descriptive representation by studying the number of female representatives and the prestige of their positions in the legislative and executive branches of government. The results show that, in both Rwanda and Burundi, the number of female political representatives significantly increased with the introduction of gender quotas, with their presence in parliament and ministries consistently exceeding 30 per cent.
Rwanda has place women empowerment at the forefront, something that has enabled women to contribute to the development of the country. As the country commemorates the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi, the country has made huge strides in terms of transformation, though much still remains to be done. Donah Mbabazi talked to a number of women on what they think should be done.
Researchers have recently documented the unexpected opportunities war can present for women. While acknowledging the devastating effects of mass violence, this article highlights the war’s potential to catalyze grassroots mobilization and build more gender-sensitive institutions and legal frameworks. Rwanda and Bosnia-Herzegovina serve as important examples of this phenomenon, yet a closer examination of both cases reveals the limits on women’s capacity to take part in and benefit from these postwar shifts.
During the post‐genocide period, the Government of Rwanda embarked on a land tenure reform programme that culminated in a land registration and titling process in 2009. This paper intends to capture women’s experiences in relation to this programme. The main findings reveal that there is support of the general idea that women should benefit from the land tenure reform in Rwanda. However, there is some criticism towards parts of the land laws, and women have limited actual knowledge about land‐related laws.
Traditionally, Rwandan women like Epiphanie Mukamurenzi would be confined to domestic chores, with her husband in charge of anything concerned with household income. Now the Rwandan Government- with support from the UN’s International Fund for Agricultural Development (IFAD) – is empowering women like Epiphanie to be equally involved in the management of their family’s finances, creating a new gender equality model for the country.
This report is on a case study that investigates the evolution of the role and place of women in land mediation in Gisagara District, Southern Province of Rwanda since the implementation of the project. This District was chosen to represent Abunzi in Gisagara who had received two rounds of trainings by Search for Common Ground and thus, started applying the skills acquired in their mediation work. This report presents findings from the qualitative research conducted to highlight achievements in local mediation with an emphasis on the role of women.
This analysis identifies three time periods where different versions of masculinity are expressed: the early stages of the genocide, where a predominantly warrior/military identity persisted; later stages of the genocide, during which men became aware of their vulnerability and the extent of the genocide; and the post-genocide period, in which masculinity has been rebuilt through the ideology of ndi umunyarwanda, the notion of Rwandanness.
This study on the role of women in reconciliation and peace building in Rwanda will contributes to critical analysis in understanding the unique potential Rwandan women have and the challenges they face in their endeavours to contribute to national reconciliation and peace building and enable the National Unity and Reconciliation Commission to mainstream gender in its policies, programmes and future activities.
The hypothesis of this paper is that the sexual violence suffered by girl child during the genocide can be seen as emblematic of a general pattern of sexual discrimination in Rwandan society which was unleashed by the exacerbation of the ethnic conflict. The article studies the status of the girl child in international law and examines her status in Rwanda before and during the genocide, as well as in the transitional or post-conflict society she dwells in today. It also provides recommendations for her healing through a “childered” and gendered approach to recovery by establishing a restorative paradigm in terms of safety, remembrance, and reconnection.
This article is about women survivors in Rwanda. Many of them survived only as captives, subjected to rape and torture, while others were permitted to go free. After the genocide against the Tutsi, traditional cultural restrictions on women working in certain occupations, having access to bank accounts and owning or inheriting land were largely abandoned. The paper also highlights how women have dealt with post-traumatic stress disorder and been involved in the reconciliation process especially because “they understand the importance of raising children in a stable, safe environment”.
According to the 1948 Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide, “…deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part” constitute genocide. However, this Convention does not explicitly state that sexual violence is a crime of genocide. This paper suggests that the convention should be expanded to include mass rape, regardless of whether the victims are raped on the basis of racial/ethnic, national, or religious identity.
This book tackles an important and highly topical issue: examining how the experiences of victims of genocidal gender and sexual violence have been addressed on a theoretical and practical level. The book investigates the contribution of feminist legal theories in naming and addressing gender and sexual violence. It questions the legacy of the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, as well as Rwanda’s domestic judicial initiatives from the perspective of the complex realities of victims’ experiences. The central focus is the question as to whether the genocidal character of gender and sexual violence in the case of Rwanda has been theorized and judged as such.
Swanee Hunt shares the stories of some seventy women—heralded activists and unsung heroes alike—who overcame unfathomable brutality, unrecoverable loss, and unending challenges to rebuild Rwandan society. These women’s accomplishments provide important lessons for policy makers and activists who are working toward equality elsewhere in Africa and other postconflict societies. Their stories demonstrate that the best way to reduce suffering and to prevent and end conflicts is to elevate the status of women throughout the world.