This research paper explores how peace education in Rwandan secondary schools has faced challenges linked with the content of the programme, its implementers, and the environment in which it has to evolve. Students and teachers demonstrated three possible responses: they accepted the contradictory messages, rejected them, or, in a large number of the cases, articulated an inability to make a clear-cut decision between the curriculum content and the other content contradictory to it.
The issue of language policy and management has been tackled by various scholars worldwide, but gaps are observed in studies that explored the language management schemes in schools, particularly in institutions of higher learning. This paper contributes to filling this gap by reflecting on the need to design a language management scheme for the University of Rwanda’s College of Education to promote language proficiency and quality education.
This paper intends to draw a cognitive portrait of openness to reconciliation. It establishes the importance of cognitive functioning in the aftermath of political violence: A better understanding of the influence of information processing on openness to reconciliation may help improve reconciliation policies and contribute to reducing risks of conflict reoccurrence. Our results show that higher cognitive capacity is not associated with greater openness to reconciliation.
This research paper increasingly shows links between trauma exposure, posttraumatic stress symptoms, and cognitive functioning. We know relatively little about the long-term cognitive correlates of exposure to trauma, especially in civilian populations exposed to war and political violence. This paper’s goal was to examine short-term memory (STM) and executive function 20 years after the 1994 genocide of the Tutsis in Rwanda.
This paper examines the impact of electoral gender quotas in post-war Burundi and Rwanda on women’s political representation. First, it looks at the evolution in descriptive representation by studying the number of female representatives and the prestige of their positions in the legislative and executive branches of government. The results show that, in both Rwanda and Burundi, the number of female political representatives significantly increased with the introduction of gender quotas, with their presence in parliament and ministries consistently exceeding 30 per cent.
Education is seen to play a crucial role in the reconstruction of post-conflict countries, particularly in transforming people’s mindsets and rebuilding social relations. In this regard, teachers are often perceived as key agents to bring about this transformative change through their role as agents of peace. This paper seeks to understand how teachers are positioned to promote peacebuilding and social cohesion in Rwandan schools in the aftermath of the 1994 genocide against the Tutsi.
This paper investigated the assessment practices at the University of Rwanda-College of Education to establish whether they enable students to access powerful knowledge for socio-economic transformation, which promotes critical thinking and creativity, or the knowledge of the powerful, which promotes memorization of knowledge produced by experts.
This paper draws on Rwanda’s efforts to develop educational curricula about the Genocide against Tutsi require it to not only grapple with history but also to draw lessons from elsewhere, especially the Holocaust. The educational programs, both in and out of school of it, are guiding learners through encounter with these historical events, helping them to think critically. These tactics combine to help create resilient communities with the capacity to understand genocide and its dynamics.
This paper examines how relations between Hutus and Tutsis were portrayed in recent history syllabi in post-genocide Rwanda. The results were based on a content analysis of four History syllabi for Ordinary and Advanced Levels published by the Rwanda Education Board between 2008 and 2015. In this paper, the authors also highlight the goals of reconciliation, unity and critical thinking and the official narrative of the blame for the genocide.
This research paper seeks to answer the question: To what extent does education and peacebuilding interventions in the two countries promote teachers and capacity to build peace and reduce inequalities? The proposed study is aimed at understanding the conditions under which education interventions focused on teachers can promote peace, and mitigate and reduce violence with a view to identifying measures and processes that can increase the effectiveness of such programmes in conflict-affected situations.
The 1994 genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda subjected thousands of women to rape as part of a range of other genocidal atrocities. This article explores what it means in everyday life to be a descendant of such mothers. A qualitative study was conducted in eastern Rwanda where twelve respondents, all descendants of genocide-rape survivor mothers, participated in focus group discussions and semi-structured interviews.
To be a “situated bystander” means to resist the pressure to participate in genocidal violence and to belong to a moral order that is distinct from that of the extremists. Therefore, this article challenges the homogenous portrayal of the unresponsive bystander group and introduces the novel concept of “situated bystandership” to draw attention to the proximal and representational contexts that shape bystanders’ responses, roles and positions in society.
This article addresses the effects of open dialogue and truth-telling versus silence in global post-conflict endeavors for justice and reconciliation by endorsing practices of either talk or silence, and also by investigating the practical dilemmas faced by Rwandan youth born of rape committed during the 1994 genocide as they find themselves caught in dual cultural imperatives to reveal and to conceal the circumstances of their origins.
Researchers have recently documented the unexpected opportunities war can present for women. While acknowledging the devastating effects of mass violence, this article highlights the war’s potential to catalyze grassroots mobilization and build more gender-sensitive institutions and legal frameworks. Rwanda and Bosnia-Herzegovina serve as important examples of this phenomenon, yet a closer examination of both cases reveals the limits on women’s capacity to take part in and benefit from these postwar shifts.
Through the Rwanda case, this article advances an understanding of transitional justice adoption, which focuses on ways in which governments use transitional justice as a tool of political order. Within this framework, transitional justice is adopted to address security, resource, and legitimacy challenges for a post-conflict or post-transition government.