This research paper explores how peace education in Rwandan secondary schools has faced challenges linked with the content of the programme, its implementers, and the environment in which it has to evolve. Students and teachers demonstrated three possible responses: they accepted the contradictory messages, rejected them, or, in a large number of the cases, articulated an inability to make a clear-cut decision between the curriculum content and the other content contradictory to it.
The issue of language policy and management has been tackled by various scholars worldwide, but gaps are observed in studies that explored the language management schemes in schools, particularly in institutions of higher learning. This paper contributes to filling this gap by reflecting on the need to design a language management scheme for the University of Rwanda’s College of Education to promote language proficiency and quality education.
This paper intends to draw a cognitive portrait of openness to reconciliation. It establishes the importance of cognitive functioning in the aftermath of political violence: A better understanding of the influence of information processing on openness to reconciliation may help improve reconciliation policies and contribute to reducing risks of conflict reoccurrence. Our results show that higher cognitive capacity is not associated with greater openness to reconciliation.
This research paper increasingly shows links between trauma exposure, posttraumatic stress symptoms, and cognitive functioning. We know relatively little about the long-term cognitive correlates of exposure to trauma, especially in civilian populations exposed to war and political violence. This paper’s goal was to examine short-term memory (STM) and executive function 20 years after the 1994 genocide of the Tutsis in Rwanda.
This paper examines the impact of electoral gender quotas in post-war Burundi and Rwanda on women’s political representation. First, it looks at the evolution in descriptive representation by studying the number of female representatives and the prestige of their positions in the legislative and executive branches of government. The results show that, in both Rwanda and Burundi, the number of female political representatives significantly increased with the introduction of gender quotas, with their presence in parliament and ministries consistently exceeding 30 per cent.
Education is seen to play a crucial role in the reconstruction of post-conflict countries, particularly in transforming people’s mindsets and rebuilding social relations. In this regard, teachers are often perceived as key agents to bring about this transformative change through their role as agents of peace. This paper seeks to understand how teachers are positioned to promote peacebuilding and social cohesion in Rwandan schools in the aftermath of the 1994 genocide against the Tutsi.
This paper investigated the assessment practices at the University of Rwanda-College of Education to establish whether they enable students to access powerful knowledge for socio-economic transformation, which promotes critical thinking and creativity, or the knowledge of the powerful, which promotes memorization of knowledge produced by experts.
This paper draws on Rwanda’s efforts to develop educational curricula about the Genocide against Tutsi require it to not only grapple with history but also to draw lessons from elsewhere, especially the Holocaust. The educational programs, both in and out of school of it, are guiding learners through encounter with these historical events, helping them to think critically. These tactics combine to help create resilient communities with the capacity to understand genocide and its dynamics.
This paper examines how relations between Hutus and Tutsis were portrayed in recent history syllabi in post-genocide Rwanda. The results were based on a content analysis of four History syllabi for Ordinary and Advanced Levels published by the Rwanda Education Board between 2008 and 2015. In this paper, the authors also highlight the goals of reconciliation, unity and critical thinking and the official narrative of the blame for the genocide.
This research paper seeks to answer the question: To what extent does education and peacebuilding interventions in the two countries promote teachers and capacity to build peace and reduce inequalities? The proposed study is aimed at understanding the conditions under which education interventions focused on teachers can promote peace, and mitigate and reduce violence with a view to identifying measures and processes that can increase the effectiveness of such programmes in conflict-affected situations.
The 1994 genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda subjected thousands of women to rape as part of a range of other genocidal atrocities. This article explores what it means in everyday life to be a descendant of such mothers. A qualitative study was conducted in eastern Rwanda where twelve respondents, all descendants of genocide-rape survivor mothers, participated in focus group discussions and semi-structured interviews.
To be a “situated bystander” means to resist the pressure to participate in genocidal violence and to belong to a moral order that is distinct from that of the extremists. Therefore, this article challenges the homogenous portrayal of the unresponsive bystander group and introduces the novel concept of “situated bystandership” to draw attention to the proximal and representational contexts that shape bystanders’ responses, roles and positions in society.
This article addresses the effects of open dialogue and truth-telling versus silence in global post-conflict endeavors for justice and reconciliation by endorsing practices of either talk or silence, and also by investigating the practical dilemmas faced by Rwandan youth born of rape committed during the 1994 genocide as they find themselves caught in dual cultural imperatives to reveal and to conceal the circumstances of their origins.
Researchers have recently documented the unexpected opportunities war can present for women. While acknowledging the devastating effects of mass violence, this article highlights the war’s potential to catalyze grassroots mobilization and build more gender-sensitive institutions and legal frameworks. Rwanda and Bosnia-Herzegovina serve as important examples of this phenomenon, yet a closer examination of both cases reveals the limits on women’s capacity to take part in and benefit from these postwar shifts.
Through the Rwanda case, this article advances an understanding of transitional justice adoption, which focuses on ways in which governments use transitional justice as a tool of political order. Within this framework, transitional justice is adopted to address security, resource, and legitimacy challenges for a post-conflict or post-transition government.
The author looks at how Rwanda has worked to prosecute the perpetrators of genocide, remember its victims, and move forward which is an enormous undertaking. It set up the Gacaca courts, which reviewed nearly 2 million trials in under a decade, and as thus, Rwanda provides a case study in local legal adaptation toward accountability.
This study focuses on revival of Orchestre Impala, a popular band from the Habyarimana era of the 1970s-80s. The authors hope that this musical revival signals a politics of cultural healing in Rwanda, and coming to terms with the cultural past. This example shows how popular music can contribute to peace-building in post-genocide Rwanda, and perhaps elsewhere.
The aim of this paper is to provide a succinct summary of the various meanings social cohesion can take within the academic debate. The paper also provides a brief summary of the term’s conceptual linkages to education policy, which is relevant for Aegis’ work. The author argues that social cohesion within Rwanda today is conceptualised to narrowly in terms of reconciliation. The paper calls for a broader vision, acknowledging and encompassing socio-economic and educational inequalities as important sources of societal conflict.
During the post‐genocide period, the Government of Rwanda embarked on a land tenure reform programme that culminated in a land registration and titling process in 2009. This paper intends to capture women’s experiences in relation to this programme. The main findings reveal that there is support of the general idea that women should benefit from the land tenure reform in Rwanda. However, there is some criticism towards parts of the land laws, and women have limited actual knowledge about land‐related laws.
The article is on a conversation that President Paul Kagame had with Foreign Affairs managing editor Jonathan Tepperman in late February 2014. The discussion was on Rwanda’s success and the dark side that came with it: opposition politicians have been jailed or killed under mysterious circumstances, journalists complain of harassment, and Kigali has been regularly criticized for meddling in neighbouring Congo’s long-running civil war.
The non-paper’s emphasis is on the function, role, and responsibility of journalists, particularly during armed conflict; something which too often is taken for granted. The experience of the war in Syria should be a grim reminder that, at least from the western perspective, the targeting of journalists from the early days of the conflict, and the difficulty which they faced in trying to do their job, likely contributed to the paucity of momentum in pushing for diplomatic and political efforts to effectively end the conflict.
This paper reports on an empirical study of radio media effects in mobilization for violence in the genocide. The focus of the paper is the most infamous radio station in Rwanda operating before and during the genocide, Radio-Télévision Libre Milles Collines (RTLM), which was a semi-private station launched in 1993. In broad terms, the paper casts doubt on the conventional wisdom that RTLM broadcasts were directly responsible for the onset of violence throughout the country and for most mass mobilization during the genocide.
Low-level violence and looting by women against one’s neighbors is perhaps, sadly, unsurprising but the involvement of female leaders in the genocide against the Tutsi (cabinet officials, nuns, journalists, nurses, and teachers) is striking and factually well-established. Were women more likely to be perpetrators of genocide violence in Rwanda than in other cases of mass violence or does it appear this way only because we have more evidence? Regardless of the answer, this essay seeks to explore the evidence we do have of leading female perpetrators and their motivation.
This study presents demographic findings about the transition of rural households from a period of civil war and genocide to a situation of relative peace. Findings are based on intensive household survey research. The study is the result of 8 months of field research in Rwanda over a period of 2 years. It will enable us to test the double-genocide thesis empirically for parts of the country.
Art photography, it is argued, may help transform the viewers from being consuming spectators into being participant witnesses who self-critically reflect upon their own subject positions in relation to the conditions depicted in the image. By discussing photography of the aftermath of the genocide, the article acknowledges the unrepresentability of genocide; by focusing on visual representations, it reflects the extent to which political space is nowadays constituted by means of images; by concentrating on Rwanda, it contributes to the necessary process of examination and self-examination in connection with the killings.
The importance of hate radio pervades commentary on the genocide against the Tutsi, and Rwanda has become a paradigmatic case of media sparking extreme violence. However, there exists little social scientific analysis of radio’s impact on the onset of genocide and the mobilization of genocide participants. Through an analysis of exposure, timing, and content as well as interviews with perpetrators, the article refutes the conventional wisdom that broadcasts from the notorious radio station RTLM were a primary determinant of genocide. Instead, the article finds evidence of conditional media effects, which take on significance only when situated in a broader context of violence.
The scale of the tragedy in Rwanda today needs no underscoring. What has occurred, and continues to take place, is a crime of enormous proportions. It is appropriate to call it genocide. This paper is concerned with the crime of genocide: the evidence that genocide is indeed taking place, the identities of those responsible for it, their motives, their means, and the implications of the mass murder for Rwanda, east and central Africa, and the world.
This article discusses whether education limits or exacerbates the effects of state sponsored propaganda on political violence. It provides evidence of the hypothesis that basic education can limit the effectiveness of propaganda by increasing access to alternative media sources. It shows that the propaganda disseminated by the “hate radio” station RTLM did not affect participation in violence in villages where education levels, as measured by literacy rates, were relatively high. A discussion of the potential underlying mechanisms driving the results is presented.
This paper highlights the unsuccessful mediation attempts leading up to the Arusha Accords; the successful mediation of the Arusha Accords by a highly skilled Tanzanian diplomat, Ami Mpungwe; and the violence following the breakdown of the Accords after the suspicious death of President Habyarimana. The role of regional organizations and other international actors in the pre-Arusha mediations and the Arusha process itself is analysed. Finally, the author highlights the misperceptions arising from a serious lack of intelligence information and the tragedy of peace-keeping forces whose weak mandate and lack of materiel made them impotent to stem the horrendous violence.
This paper seeks to examine the proliferation of Pentecostal churches and the changing religious landscape of Rwanda. The horrific genocide of 1994, left the country’s traditional mainline churches bloodied and the Christian faith seriously challenged. Unlike elsewhere in Africa, prior to the genocide, Pentecostal churches had not got a foot-hold in Rwanda, then referred to as the most Catholic country in Africa. In the aftermath, Rwanda has experienced a spontaneous growth of new churches imported by returnees from far and wide. Though the Catholic Church still retains its dominant position, there has been an upsurge of Protestants and the Rwandan religious landscape is changing considerably.
The results of the study show that age, sex, the sex of the head of the household, the size of rented land, off-farm income, gross household income and farm-level anti-erosion investment significantly determine the probability of a household member to become a perpetrator of genocide. These results are then interpreted in the political economy of Rwanda.
The analysis shows that Tutsi from the sectors of Mabanza commune whose Tutsi population did not (or only in limited numbers) go to the Gatwaro Stadium had a better chance to survive the genocide in Kibuye. The analysis shows that the probability to be killed with a fire-arm depended on the commune of residence of the victim, the age of the victim, the number of days after April 6 the victim was killed and on interaction effects between the latter two variables and the sex of the victim.
The author seeks to integrate the perspectives and experiences of radio listeners with broader considerations about the study of the Rwandan genocide and mass atrocity more generally. He argues that the question of RTLM’s role in the genocide can be elucidated through three aspects: ideologically, it played on existing dominant discourses in Rwandan public life for the purposes of encouraging listeners to participate in the killings; performatively, the station’s animateurs skilfully exploited the possibilities of the medium to create a dynamic relationship with and among listeners; and finally, RTLM helped the Rwandan state appropriate one of the most innocuous aspects of everyday life in the service of the genocide.
This paper explores the role of the “ethnic” categories “Hutu,” “Tutsi” and “Twa” in their everyday relations and relationships. Through exploring their narratives, practices and social interactions, the paper demonstrates that—despite current state policies that seek to de-emphasize “ethnic” identities—ethnicity remains salient in contemporary Rwanda. Exploring the complexities, contradictions and uncertainties of these processes of categorization, this paper investigates the relationship between “conceptual” categories and “concrete” persons in contemporary Rwanda.
This paper provides an examination of the speeches and the ideology of the Habyarimana regime which ruled Rwanda from 1973 to 1994. The author assesses the impact of the regime ideology on the development of the country and the outbreak of the 1994 genocide. The paper further examines the underlying peasant ideology of the country and its relation to genocide.
The author argues that the question of RTLM’s role in the genocide can be elucidated through three aspects: ideologically, it played on existing dominant discourses in Rwandan public life for the purposes of encouraging listeners to participate in the killings; performatively, the station’s animateurs skilfully exploited the possibilities of the medium to create a dynamic relationship with and among listeners; and finally, RTLM helped the Rwandan state appropriate one of the most innocuous aspects of everyday life in the service of the genocide.
This analysis identifies three time periods where different versions of masculinity are expressed: the early stages of the genocide, where a predominantly warrior/military identity persisted; later stages of the genocide, during which men became aware of their vulnerability and the extent of the genocide; and the post-genocide period, in which masculinity has been rebuilt through the ideology of ndi umunyarwanda, the notion of Rwandanness.
This paper analyses and highlights the factors and root causes of the genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda. Further, it details the steps taken by the external and internal players to avoid future conflict and the work they are doing in creating a platform for peacebuilding and reconciliation in Rwanda. The author also discusses the role of the government and its institutions in post genocide Rwanda. The strengths and weaknesses of the new constitution of Rwanda after the genocide, and the current challenges confronting Rwanda are included in this paper.
Film in Rwanda has played a role in moving the country past the genocide that decimated the population and destroyed the existing infrastructure and severed the social ties between all Rwandans. This essay identifies the emerging structure for the Rwandan filmmaking industry, while also measuring how influential cinema has been and can continue to be in the reconciliation process. Finally, it outlines recommendations for filmmakers who aim to contribute to the country’s reconciliation and unity process.
This study on the role of women in reconciliation and peace building in Rwanda will contributes to critical analysis in understanding the unique potential Rwandan women have and the challenges they face in their endeavours to contribute to national reconciliation and peace building and enable the National Unity and Reconciliation Commission to mainstream gender in its policies, programmes and future activities.
The author explains how people can heal after a devastating period in their lives. He uses Christian principles and makes reference to the Holy Bible. For better understanding, the paper is divided into into smaller topics that include; Recognising the church as God’s agent of healing and reconciliation, overcoming cultural barriers in expressing emotion, finding God in the midst of suffering, the need to hear and be heard, discovering Jesus as the pain bearer, discovering Jesus as redeemer, understanding real forgiveness, exploring God’s way of dealing with ethnic conflict. Towards the end he shares the principles of healing that he used in South Africa during seminars he was invited to.
What makes the genocide against the Tutsi a particularly chilling and challenging event for Christian reflection, is that Rwanda has been, and perhaps remains, one of the most Christianized nations in Africa. It is estimated that as many as 90% of Rwandans in 1994 were Christians. Given that the majority of Rwandans were Christians, why did that not make any significant difference when it came to the events of 1994 ? Where was the church? Did God just turn his back on Rwanda? The more one probes these and similar questions, the more one faces the disturbing realization that in genocide, the church was not simply silent, but was intimately associated with it.
The hypothesis of this paper is that the sexual violence suffered by girl child during the genocide can be seen as emblematic of a general pattern of sexual discrimination in Rwandan society which was unleashed by the exacerbation of the ethnic conflict. The article studies the status of the girl child in international law and examines her status in Rwanda before and during the genocide, as well as in the transitional or post-conflict society she dwells in today. It also provides recommendations for her healing through a “childered” and gendered approach to recovery by establishing a restorative paradigm in terms of safety, remembrance, and reconnection.
This article talks about how Rwanda has been able to put itself back together after the genocide against the Tutsi and highlights lessons the rest of the world can learn. It addresses questions like; How do you mend a country when intimates killed intimates in such tightly knitted communities? How do you do justice when thousands of people were perpetrators and where you only have so much prison space? How do you do it?
This article is a report on some of the workshops held by the Alternatives to Violence Project, a reconciliation effort based on restorative justice practices that operates in Africa to heal communities affected by genocide and civil instability. These workshops sought to bring together residents of two towns, one on the border of the Democratic Republic of Congo and the other on the border of Rwanda, with a historically complicated and adversarial past.
This paper looks at the prospects for peace and justice in the aftermath of the gross abuses of human rights that occurred and, to that end, it considers the potential uses and limits of restorative justice initiatives in the process of healing and reconciliation in Rwanda. It argues that restorative justice initiatives have moved the country closer toward reconciliation than retributive measures, such as the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda.
This article assesses ordinary Rwandans’ attitudes towards gacaca to better understand this institution’s contribution. The majority of survey participants expressed support in response to more global questions, but dissatisfaction with gacaca in response to more specific questions, including regarding security and the credibility of confessions. Rather than dismiss positive global assessments, it suggests that divergent attitudes show popular support for the idea of gacaca and aspirations for its legacy, but dissatisfaction with its actual operation.
This article highlights the impact community based sociotherapy has had among its beneficiaries. Participants have been able to alleviate trauma by finding a space for sharing their hurting memories and wounded emotions. Raped women have been given the opportunity to talk about what has happened to them with individuals who care. Through this approach, affected Rwandans have been able to move forward and give pardon to their abusers.
Gacaca and Abunzi serve as significant evidence that homegrown initiatives in Rwanda provide a successful balance between a modern system and the Rwandan traditional ideals of unity, resolution, and reconciliation. It is necessary for Rwanda to maintain its traditional ideals after the devastating genocide for those traditional ideals are a critical part of rebuilding and modernizing.
This article examines two transitional justice mechanisms that were utilized in Rwanda’s post genocide era and assesses their contributions to reconciliation. The two principal approaches which emerged in the Rwandan context were the establishment of International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR), via the international political community whilst grassroots efforts within Rwanda were channeled through the gacaca court system.
This article analyzes how the current framework of retributive justice pursued by the UN International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda fails to respect the human rights and to enable the well-being of Rwandan genocide survivors.
This essay explores the nature and role of the political reconciliation in reckoning with widespread regime atrocities. The role of truth is then examined in healing deeply divided societies. Because truth telling is regarded as conducive to the restoration of relationships, transitional justice scholars have claimed that the disclosure and public acknowledgment of regime offenses contributes to political reconciliation. Since reconciliation is not an inevitable byproduct of truth telling, the prudential quest to balance truth with peace and national unity is explored.
The main aim of this paper is to try and bring to the fore the complexities behind the conflict in Rwanda with a focus on the need to link disarmament to the entire post-conflict confidence building and reconciliation process now underway. The paper first assesses the impact of the 1994 genocide and then reviews the various post conflict approaches currently being implemented in Rwanda. It concludes by proposing that there is a need to make these structures compatible with disarmament as prevention against possible recurrence of the conflict.
This article is about women survivors in Rwanda. Many of them survived only as captives, subjected to rape and torture, while others were permitted to go free. After the genocide against the Tutsi, traditional cultural restrictions on women working in certain occupations, having access to bank accounts and owning or inheriting land were largely abandoned. The paper also highlights how women have dealt with post-traumatic stress disorder and been involved in the reconciliation process especially because “they understand the importance of raising children in a stable, safe environment”.
This article seeks to bring the often-invisible labor of interpreters and language assistants at the International Criminal Court and the ad hoc International Criminal Tribunals for Rwanda and the former Yugoslavia into sharper focus. It highlights the far-reaching and extensive tasks of language workers; negotiating and mediating witnesses’ accounts of atrocity, including sexualized violence, inside and outside international courtrooms. The author illustrates how language work is central to the life of an international court and the vision of international criminal accountability.
According to the 1948 Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide, “…deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part” constitute genocide. However, this Convention does not explicitly state that sexual violence is a crime of genocide. This paper suggests that the convention should be expanded to include mass rape, regardless of whether the victims are raped on the basis of racial/ethnic, national, or religious identity.
This article examines the discourse on women and violence in contemporary Western feminist theory. It focuses on the all-too-familiar debate whether any connection between being female and being a pacifist is the result of nature or nurture. It also offers a brief overview of social inequality, both ethnic and gender, in Rwanda. It then outlines the roles of extremist Hutu women as perpetrators of the genocide against the Tutsi. Finally, the author assesses how well each of the feminist perspectives on women and violence fits the case of the 1994 genocide against the Tutsi.
This paper discusses how women were mobilized before and during the genocide, the specific actions of women who exercised agency and finally what happened to these women in the aftermath of the genocide. It asserts that women played an active role in the Rwandan genocide but are often excluded from the dominant narrative. It also addresses the implications of ignoring female perpetrators of genocide.
The author claims that the rationale behind the preference for prosecution is the assumption that atrocious human rights violations are in fact crimes, and the Western conceptual framework for dealing with ordinary crime revolves around prosecutors, judges, and trials. In this context, the author asks whether ordinary crime really is an appropriate analogy for massive human right atrocities or an extraordinary evil. She questions whether prosecutions constitute the best method of redressing criminal actions in the context of transitional justice.
This comprehensive work aims at establishing the truth of the past and promoting the critical mind of the future. The framework used is especially important in educating the youth, who can now claim improved tools for accessing knowledge of their national history. This work gives a balanced account of events but certainly does not provide an exhaustive account of everything that took place. Its objective is to provide basic, objective information about the essential aspects of the evolution of Rwanda, some of which are deeply controversial.
This dissertation examines the relationship between the African Union (AU) and the International Criminal Court (ICC). The case studies of Kenya, Sudan, Rwanda and Liberia were used. These countries have had dealings with the ICC at different moments. The study wanted to establish if the concerns raised by African leaders and their countries about the manner in which the ICC conducts its business in Africa is appropriate, justifiable and credible.
This study aims to determine the state of employee participation in decision-making within the public enterprises of communication in Rwanda. More particularly, it is aimed at mapping out the extent of employee participation in the decision-making process in this area, to identify whether employees desire to participate in decision-making and to find out whether they would prefer to participate directly or act through a representative.
This study describes, discusses and analyses the Rwandan lower secondary school teachers’ responses to the introduction of inquiry as a teaching approach in the science curriculum as one of the changes that the curriculum in Rwanda has undergone through in the aftermath of the 1994 genocide. The study investigates the science teachers’ understanding of inquiry-based science teaching, their attitudes towards the introduction of inquiry into the science curriculum, the activities they are engaged in with regard to inquiry-based science teaching and learning, the factors influencing their current teaching practices and their perceptions about what may be done for a better implementation of inquiry-based science teaching.
The aim of this dissertation is to carry out an evaluation of the Kigali Institute of Science, Technology and Management’s organisational strategy using the criteria of suitability and feasibility. Specifically, this dissertation sets out to evaluate the suitability of KIST’s growth strategy by assessing whether it addresses the circumstances in which the organisation is operating and to establish the feasibility of the strategy by assessing whether the institute possesses the resources and competences to match the chosen growth strategy.
Conflict is an inevitable part of our daily lives, resulting from complex and often litigious society. Effective alternatives are highly needed to deal with conflicts. This study was designed to seek how to establish a conflict resolution and mediation centre in Kigali with the aim of contributing to the search of peaceful and durable solutions to conflicts occurring between individual and community members in Kigali. The study examined the nature, causes, extent and consequences of conflicts in Kigali and the ways to deal with them.
This work is a contextual study of five selected biblical texts from the Fourth Gospel: John 2:1-12 and John 19:25-29; John 4:1-42; John 11:1-12:1-11 and John 18:15-17. Its aim is to read the selected texts with a Rwandan woman’s eyes, focusing on her peacemaking role and her potential as an agent of reconciliation. It is motivated by the context of the Rwandan situation during and after the catastrophic genocide of 1994. This work seeks to open the eyes of Rwandan women toward the role of peacemaking and unity-building by using a combined approach to conflict resolution; application of some theories in the domain of sociology, as well as the contextual biblical approach.
This study is an exploratory investigation on teachers’ perceptions of the extent to which the national examinations that are written at the end of primary schooling in Rwanda influence their curriculum practices. The author found that a good success rate in these examinations was the main goal-direction for teachers and had a major influence on the curriculum practices.
The main purpose of this study is to better understand the lived experiences of refugees from Burundi and Rwanda living in the inner city of Durban and facing xenophobia. This study was motivated by available research evidence that xenophobia is a widespread phenomenon, together with the researcher’s own experience of living as a refugee in South Africa. The investigation was guided by ‘structural social work theory’ and used a qualitative descriptive approach
It has been suggested that a unique feature of some mental health nurses’ work is exposure through their role as therapists to clients’ descriptions of, and reactions to, trauma, and that these experiences may actually indirectly cause distress and traumatization to the nurse. This proposed phenomenon has been termed “secondary traumatic stress”. The focus of this paper is to explore secondary traumatic stress experienced by nurses working in mental health services in Rwanda. The research was conducted in Ndera Psychiatric Hospital.
The disarmament, demobilization, reintegration and reinsertion of ex-combatants generally and female ex-combatants specifically constitute one of the most fundamental activities in the 1994 post-genocide and war period in Rwanda. To ensure a better linkage between reinsertion and reintegration contributing to the sustainability of the identity transformation of female ex-combatants, during the planning of reinsertion assistance overall socioeconomic dynamics and the challenge of poverty are factored in as key variables to minimize resentment and marginalisation of broader war-affected communities.
It was previously established that mental health workers in Rwanda experience secondary traumatic stress when working with trauma survivors. The effects of secondary traumatic stress can be serious and permanent in mental health workers when working with traumatized clients. This study aimed to explore STS and to develop an intervention model to manage secondary traumatic stress in mental health workers in Kigali, Rwanda.
In the 1994 genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda, rape was widely used as a strategic weapon against Tutsi women. This study explored the long term psychological effects of rape experienced by these women in order to develop a middle range theory to guide the management of the lasting psychological effects of rape in the context of genocide.
This study aims to explore community perceptions and understandings of Rwandan Genocide Memorials. In building genocide memorials, Rwanda is refusing to let go unrecognized the victims of genocide. Through pictures, graphics and photographs, genocide memorials talk to the community. The population reads and interprets differently the messages genocide memorials communicate. The community’s interpretation is often influenced by various personal experiences and by social, cultural, political and religious environments.
The Presbyterian Church has taken initiatives to empower women who live in vulnerable contexts due to the consequences of genocide. Through training in various seminars and workshops the Church has contributed to the social transformation of Ruyumba Parish in Rwanda. The research question of this study was to assess in what ways the Presbyterian Church in Rwanda has responded to women’s empowerment through the Agaseke Project in Ruyumba Parish.
Distance Learning (DL) is recognized to be a contemporary mode of education delivery. It is used to respond to the need of human resource development in developing countries. The aim of this study was to analyze the process of planning and implementing DL in tertiary health professional education in the Kigali Health Institute and in tertiary teacher education in the Kigali Institute of Education, in order to understand the dynamics of planning and implementing DL, and to suggest the way forward for the success of those two programs.
This dissertation attempts to investigate the socio-economic impacts of the genocide on current development in Rwanda using primary and secondary data obtained from fieldwork undertaken in Cyangugu and Butare towns. The conceptual basis for the study was the geography of conflict. The general conclusion reached was that the causes and consequences of the Rwandan genocide are multidimensional.
The overall objective of the research was to evaluate the achievements of reconciliation process in Bugesera district after the 1994 genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda. Bugesera district lost over 62,000 Tutsi during genocide, being the most hit in the country. Today, the survivors and perpetrators are living together in the same district. The study is aimed at evaluating the impact of reconciliation mechanisms in place and how these mechanisms can be enhanced to get better results.
The Great Lakes region in Africa has been a region prone to conflict for well over four decades. The region is made up of countries that have Lake Tanganyika and Lake Victoria passing within their territories, they are: Burundi, Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), Kenya, Republic of Tanzania and Rwanda. It is evident that the efforts of achieving sustainable peace for each states in that region has been compromised by factors external to their territory therefore regional factors.
This study aims to undertake a contextual analysis of the event of the division of the kingdom of Israel narrated in1 Kings 12:1-24. This text and its context are analysed in the light of the context of tribal conflicts in Rwanda, using the inculturation hermeneutical approach that makes the contemporary context of the reader the subject of interpretation. The interactive engagement between the two contexts is conducted in a way that allows insights from each context to enrich the understanding of the other.
This thesis analyses the policy and traditional practice of umuganda, which is a Rwandan word for community work. The main purpose of the thesis is to investigate how to enhance the efficiency of the policy and practice of umuganda in fostering development and peace in Rwanda. The study focuses on how the practice of umuganda has been understood and implemented throughout the historical period of Rwanda, namely, the pre-colonial, colonial, post-colonial periods until the genocide and then the post-genocide period.
Girinka “one cow per poor family” program has been implemented in Rwanda since 2006 for poverty and child malnutrition reduction. Every poor family receives one dairy cow and the program encourages zero-grazing to combat climate change. This study was carried out to assess the impact of the Girinka program on its beneficiaries’ livelihoods and food security in the Bugesera District of Rwanda and its potential contribution to climate resilience.
This study deals with the problem of transitional justice in post-genocide Rwanda in the light of South African experience. Transitional justice, a kind of justice pertinent to societies in transition from dictatorship to democracy where the new democratic regime faces the challenge of how to redress the abuses of the past, varies according to each case.
The study was designed to understand the experiences and needs of returning refugees to Kigali, Rwanda and the role of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) in their repatriation. The study found that virtually all returnees experienced violence, victimization, psychological distress and extremely traumatic genocide experiences. The author highlights possible recommendations for averting the refugee phenomenon and recommends a variety of counselling, financial and other service interventions to meet returnees’ needs.
This study aimed to highlight factors used by the Belgian authorities to divide Rwandans during the Colonial Reform Process between 1926 and 1931. More specially, it is aimed at identifying how they mobilised Hutu, Tutsi and Twa social classes and transformed the ethnic identities. The scarcity of environmental resources increased the desire to monopolise control of the country as this was continually perceived as only means of access to resources. This led Rwandan politicians to use ethnicity as a way to secure power. Consequently, a culture of ethnic violence became entrenched. This culminated in genocide from April to July 1994.
African countries have for a long time undergone a series of problems that include; genocide, racism, economic depression, colonisation, civil wars, and so on. These have left many African societies in hopeless situations that entail considerable intervention. This study will explore the possible causes of conflicts mainly genocide and collective violence, in which the 1994 genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda will be the main focus.
Kenya like many other countries offers asylum to refugees in fulfillment of the provisions of the 1951 UN Refugee Convention as well as the 1969 OAU Refugee Convention. The United Nations envisioned an end to refugee status when the reasons for flight as well as persecution no longer continued to exist. The cessation clause marks the end of refugee status and thus facilitates re-establishment in the country of origin. This study endeavours to explore the impact that the cessation clause will have on Rwandan refugees residing in Kenya.
This Thesis is an analytical investigation of the impact of the 1994 genocide against the Tutsi in the Great Lakes Region of Africa. It focuses on the violent conflicts and instability that marked the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), particularly the eastern DRC region since 1996- 2006. The DRC hosted about 1.25 million Rwandan Hutu refugees (including the ex-Forces Armeés Rwandaises and Hutu militiamen) following the hundred atrocious days. This study assesses rigorously the role of the 1994 Rwandan Hutu refugees in the eastern DRC conflicts.
Rwanda, in its transition phase since 1994, has had the support of major international development organizations, including the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund (IMF), the United Nations Development Program, and other development organizations. The aim of this support is to promote Rwandan agriculture in which 45 percent of the Rwandan GDP and 90 percent of employment share originate. This study analyzes the impact of agricultural assistance afforded by the DAP and socioeconomic characteristics of households on agricultural production in Gikongoro province.
The researcher’s contribution through this research consisted in identifying what the impact of national unity has had on sustainable development in Rwanda after seven years in power of the so-called “government of national unity”. Rwandan politicians, the ordinary population or friends of Rwandans together should stand up to fight for building and consolidating the national unity of Rwanda. This research is aimed to identify and to clarify what impact national unity in Rwanda has had on sustainable development, after the genocide against the Tutsi in1994.
In 1994 genocide against the Tutsi occurred in Rwanda. The Kigali Genocide Memorial is one of the memorials which stands as a reminder of the horror, in order to inform the community to keep watching. This raised the curiosity of the researcher, to analyze how these new symbols can contribute to restore and revitalize social and cultural values in the context of Rwanda.
This thesis is an analytical exploration of the root causes of the 1994 Rwandan genocide. It explains how Tutsi became non-indigenous Hamities and how Hutu became native indigenous, leaving the two populations to be identified along racial and ethnic lines. In 1933, the Belgians introduced identity cards which specified one’s ethnic affiliation, giving birth to political identities as Hutu and Tutsi ceased to become cultural identities and became political identities.
This thesis seeks to unearth narratives of history and identity as a way of exploring possibilities for healing and reconciliation. Through an in-depth examination of four life stories, interviews with leaders in the field of reconciliation in Rwanda and informal interviews with a broad spectrum of Rwandans, this research sheds light on the challenges and opportunities in terms of healing. It finds that through critical engagement with our own and broader socio-political narratives we can expand the possibilities of our own narratives, allowing scope for personal healing as well as leading to a deeper understanding of the other.
This work is a Case Study, which seeks to investigate the role of Christian Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) in responding to the needs of genocide widows residing in Kigali-Ville province-Rwanda. The study thus aims to assess efforts of the above-cited Christian NGOs and highlights their success and shortcomings in the light of a Christian model of understanding and responding to human needs. The investigation also surveys the background to the genocide.
This study is aimed at providing a comprehensive and compelling explanation of the process and the operations of the Gacaca tribunals. Thus by means of both historical and empirical analysis, the study hopes to determine the challenges confronting the system and the promise it holds, if any, and to recommend the need to adopt and adapt to an approach which is wider and more integrated in dealing with reconciliation in the region.
This study is an evaluation of the Rwandan unity and reconciliation process and was undertaken to assess whether it possesses the potential for building sustainable peace in the country. Generally, the study showed that the process of unity and reconciliation in Rwanda has the potential to succeed since high governing leaders are engaged to restore unity and reconciliation in the country. Political will, the study revealed, is an essential ingredient for sustainable peace.
This dissertation attempts to investigate the socio-economic impacts of the genocide on current development in Rwanda using primary and secondary data obtained from fieldwork undertaken in Cyangugu and Rutare Towns. The conceptual basis for the study is the geography of conflict. The general conclusion reached was that the causes and consequences of the Rwandan genocide are multidimensional.
This paper uses a geographical perspective, more specifically the geography of conflict, to assess the environmental causes and impacts of the genocide in Rwanda, more than a decade after the genocide. Primary data used in this article were obtained from fieldwork undertaken in Cyangugu and Butare Towns, case studies chosen not only because of their particular history before, during and after the genocide but also because of their heterogeneous population and physical landscapes.
The article examines the Rwandan history and its relationship to the employment of humiliation. According to the author, social inequalities had persisted even before Belgium took control of Rwanda. The ranks of society were based on the proprietorship of cows. With the introduction of forced labor, The Belgian authorities convinced the people that no differences existed between services rendered and forced labor. But, the Hutu was forced to submit to the humiliation of forced labor under the Tutsis. As a result, genocide followed and created the most tragic catastrophe of death, misery, and humiliation that the Hutus could inflict on the Tutsis.
This thesis is aimed at contributing to the lack of knowledge in the field of peacebuilding from below, notably regarding the mechanisms to be used in order to overcome the painful past between conflicting parties. The study makes this contribution through an empirically based exploration of the relational outcomes resulting from conflicting parties’ memberships of the same cooperative organization after the 1994 genocide in Rwanda.
The extension of just war theory to include jus post bellum – with its emphasis on rules designed to end war justly – connects closely to debates surrounding transitional justice. Whereas jus post bellum concerns ending conflict in a just manner and establishing a durable peace through the law, transitional justice entails both legal and nonlegal methods for addressing past harm and securing a less aggressive future. This paper looks at the theory and practice of these two concepts in Central Africa.